Why the National GOP Must Pivot Away from Mitch McConnell & the ‘It’s My Turn’ Status Quo
It’s been a long time coming but there is no better time for a re-dedication of the national Republican Party’s mission to the American people than right now, especially where its federally elected stewardship is concerned. A hard pivot away from the inside the beltway, “go along to get along,” “it’s my turn,” federalist power structure would serve the party – and the nation – well moving further into the uncharted waters of the 21st Century.
A great place to start in this re-dedication is to cull the Washingtonianized, central-planning addicted in the GOP political class from the herd, and there is no better place to start that culling than with the Senate Minority Leader, US Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-KY).
In a strong illustration of politically status quo milquetoast, McConnell chastised the national Republican Party for voting – as a body – to censure US Reps. Liz Cheney (R-WY), and Adam Kinzinger (R-IL), for their role in facilitating an air of legitimacy to the non-congressionally-sanctioned January 6th Committee.
“The issue of whether or not the RNC should be sort of singling out members of our party who may have different views from the majority – that's not the job of the RNC,” McConnell told reporters.
In fact, that is the main purpose of the national Republican party; to safeguard the organization’s dedication to its principles.
The censure resolution passed by an overwhelming voice vote at the RNC’s winter meeting last week with the chief complaints in the resolution being that Cheney and Kinzinger are “participating in a Democrat-led persecution of ordinary citizens engaged in legitimate political discourse.”
It is important to point out that the RNC’s floor vote on this means that the censure was sanctioned by the rank and file who are represented by their National Republican Committee members at the conference; it is the will of the members of the Republican Party.
McConnell went on to embrace the inaccurate rhetoric of even the most ardent fascist on the extreme Left of the Democrat Party when he declared the events of January 6th as a "violent insurrection for the purpose to try to prevent a peaceful transfer of power after a legitimately certified election from one administration to the next. That's what it was."
When asked if he has confidence in RNC Chairwoman Ronna McDaniel – the niece of US Sen. Mitt Romney (R-UT), who has defended the resolution, McConnell said, “I do.”
Why This Is Important
Speaking to the purview of jobs, it is not Mitch McConnell’s place to dictate to the elected leadership of the Republican Party what their authority includes when it comes to the conduct of the members of the party. McConnell’s declaration is nothing sort of arrogant.
Further, McConnell’s opinion on what happened at the US Capitol Building on January 6th is just that, his opinion. For the Senate Minority Leader and assumed leader of the Senate Republican caucus to decide for an entire people of a national political party the impetus of the events of that day is beyond arrogant. It illustrates his errant presumption of authority over the definition of events; events that are still under investigation and which are certainly inconclusive for the purposes of the historical record.
But even worse is McConnell’s almost naively ignorant tacit validation of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s unconstitutional seating of an investigative committee when the authority to seat such a panel is not within congressional purview.
As Glenn Greenwald – hardly a conservative – writes in his self-syndicated column:
“But the most serious constitutional problem is not the specific investigative acts of the committee but the very existence of the committee itself. There is ample reason to doubt the constitutionality of this committee's existence.
“When crimes are committed in the United States, there are two branches of government – and only two – vested by the Constitution with the power to investigate criminal suspects and adjudicate guilt: the executive branch (through the FBI and DOJ) and the judiciary. Congress has no role to play in any of that, and for good and important reasons. The Constitution places limits on what the executive branch and judiciary can do when investigating suspects and declaring citizens guilty, safeguards designed to protect fundamental rights of American citizens. No searches can be executed by the FBI without judicial approval in the form of warrants; nobody can be publicly declared guilty without a wide range of rights being guaranteed...; private data about citizens cannot be collected without their consent absent an array of protective procedures...
“...what Congress cannot do is investigate private citizens to determine if they committed crimes or issue subpoenas simply to satisfy a desire ‘to know what happened” – exactly what the Select Committee on 1/6, by its own admission, is seeking to do. The Supreme Court has explicitly imposed this limit on congressional investigative power over and over, and has banned congressional investigations which were not geared toward either one of those two legitimate investigative purposes.”
McConnell’s irresponsible declaration of what he believes happened on January 6th is irrelevant. But his declaration, in the political realm, advanced the perception of the committee’s legitimacy beyond being a purely politically motivated sideshow to government and facilitated the propagandist goals of the fascist-Left in the Democrat Party.
This is not the mark of a seasoned leader or even a senior member of the Senate with an eye toward bipartisanship. It is the mark of an inside-the-beltway operative who has abandoned his dedication to serving his constituency and exactly what the Republican Party must cull from its ranks moving forward.
Regardless of whether you condoned the aggressive nature of the protesters at the US Capitol Building on January 6th, what took place outside was not an insurrection. In fact, no one arrested to date in the event has been charged with anything near insurrection.
Again, from Greenwald’s column:
“With more than 600 people now charged in connection with the events of 1/6, not one person has been charged with conspiracy to overthrow the government, incite insurrection, conspiracy to commit murder or kidnapping of public officials, or any of the other fantastical claims that rained down on them from media narratives. No one has been charged with treason or sedition. Perhaps that is because, as Reuters reported in August, ‘the FBI has found scant evidence that the Jan. 6 attack on the US Capitol was the result of an organized plot to overturn the presidential election result.’”
That leaves the spotlight on what did – or didn’t – happen inside the US Capitol Building on that day.
With the Electoral College process halted by the presiding authorities, every objection that was to be legitimately brought to the floor regarding the constitutional requirements for several of the states’ Elector certifications was terminated. Each objection that Electoral College members publicly stated would take place didn’t. A constitutional and codified electoral process was usurped.
If there was any “insurrection” on January 6, 2021, it can be very well argued that it took place within the membership of the Electoral College, not on the US Capitol grounds by American citizens embracing their First Amendment rights to freedom of assembly and redress of government.
Dr, Clarence Carson from the Foundation of Economic Education rightly explains the structural principles of representative government, which are also endemic to the Republican Party:
“There are two basic requirements which must be met if a government is to be styled a republic: (1) it must be popular in origin, i.e., draw its authority from an extensive electorate; and (2) power must be exercised by representatives. It is distinguished from a hereditary monarchy in that it is based on the popular election and from democracy in that power is wielded by representatives. Those who favored the new Constitution took pains to show that the government it provided for was republican in character.”
McConnell’s unilateral declaration – provided as the Senate Minority Leader and titular head of the federally elected Republican caucus – defies a Republican form of government. Instead, it pukes elitist superiority and the arrogance of kings. It is for this empirical reason that McConnell should be culled from office under a Republican banner.
So too, does the overreaching authority of the whole of the federal government violate the structural principles of a representative form of government; obliterate the necessary balance of power between the federal branches and then again between the federal government and the states, the latter of which was to possess dramatically more power than the federal government less its enumerated purview.
If we are to return to our uniquely American form of government – our Constitutional Republic, not democracy (which the Framers abhorred) – then the people who call themselves Republicans must stand for a reinstitution of limitations upon the out-of-control, overreaching, and drunk-with-power federal government and do so by deed as well as word.
If we allow our federal government’s continued spiral toward elitism and globalism we will all suffer a lowest common denominator under a new world order that boasts that by 2030 we will all own nothing...and we will be okay with that.
Once private property is a thing of the past, freedom is over.
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