The Biden Family's China Shadow: Blackmail, Betrayal & the Cost to America
Investigative journalist Catherine Herridge has revealed more details about the troubling connections between the Biden family and the Chinese Communist Party. In her recent examination of declassified records related to China’s influence operations during the 2020 election, she discovered references to Chinese blackmail efforts intended for inclusion in the president’s daily brief. Herridge concluded that this information likely targeted the Biden family directly. Despite being available, these documents were overlooked by the FBI, CIA, and mainstream media.
This is not just a fringe allegation. Herridge, a veteran reporter who was once forced out of CBS after the network seized her files, including confidential source material, described a pattern of deliberate neglect within institutions. Media outlets failed to investigate records that would have required only a few hours of basic diligence. Intelligence agencies ignored uncomfortable information. The goal was clear: to protect Democrat power and the Biden brand at any cost to national security.
The references to blackmail don’t exist in isolation; they’re part of a long-standing pattern of financial ties between the Biden family and entities linked to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP):
Investigations by the House Oversight Committee have documented over $10 million in foreign money flowing to Biden associates and family members, with significant amounts connected to CEFC China Energy.
Bank records and witness testimonies revealed that wire transfers reached multiple members of the Biden family.
Business associate Rob Walker informed the FBI that then-Vice President Joe Biden attended a lunch related to CEFC at Hunter’s request to create the appearance of influence.
IRS whistleblowers have described how investigators were blocked from asking about references to “the big guy” or “dad.”
Hunter Biden himself texted a Chinese businessman that he was “sitting here with my father” while demanding payment, warning of potential consequences involving the man beside him.
Joe Biden spent years asserting that his son had not received money from China. However, records and Hunter’s reported income from Chinese and Ukrainian sources suggested otherwise. A secret burner phone, which Hunter paid for and that Joe Biden answered during his vice presidency, added another layer of complexity. Peter Schweizer and others identified the device as a potential parallel channel for sensitive communications. The family viewed access as a commodity, while Beijing regarded it as leverage.
Communist China doesn’t make large financial contributions out of charity. The Chinese Communist Party’s United Front operations, influence campaigns, and intelligence activities are designed to acquire technology, shape policy, and compromise decision-makers. When the family of a sitting vice president accepts millions from companies connected to the Chinese Communist Party, and intelligence reports later indicate potential blackmail risks involving that same family, the national security implications are clear. What decisions were influenced? What technology transfers were overlooked? Which enforcement actions against companies involved in Chinese military-civil fusion were delayed or weakened? What intelligence sources were compromised or never developed because of the conflicts arising from this family relationship?
The damage is real, not just theoretical. During the Biden administration, China significantly increased its military capabilities, expanded its surveillance state, strengthened its control over critical supply chains, and sought to gain advantages in the South China Sea and around Taiwan. American policy often seemed reactive, hesitant, or influenced by competing domestic political priorities. If Chinese intelligence had compromising information—or even the credible threat of having such information—on the Biden family, every negotiation, export license, and technology partnership would come with an unspoken risk. Adversaries don’t need to use blackmail every day; the mere existence of such leverage changes the decision-making process for those who fear exposure.
Herridge’s findings highlight how effectively the protective measures were implemented. The media that amplified the letter from “51 intelligence officials,” which dismissed the Hunter Biden laptop as Russian disinformation, showed little interest in references to Chinese blackmail that were intended for the president’s intelligence briefings. Meanwhile, the same institutions that considered examining the Bidens a taboo subject viewed concerns about China during the Trump administration as urgent. This led to a multi-year information blackout, leaving the public unaware of the significant risks of compromise.
The United States can’t afford the extent of elite capture we are now coming to understand existed. When the enrichment of certain families is intertwined with a strategic rival that sees America as its main obstacle—its adversary—the repercussions go beyond just one political family. They affect military readiness, economic competitiveness, technological leadership, and even the integrity of the intelligence community. Blackmail doesn’t need to be proven in a courtroom to have an impact; the incentives it creates are already significant enough.
Accountability requires more than selective leaks and forgotten memos; it demands full transparency regarding what Chinese intelligence believed it possessed, what American intelligence was aware of, and how this knowledge was suppressed. Defenders of the Bidens may label these concerns as partisan. However, the evidence—including bank records, text messages, whistleblower testimonies, phone records, and daily briefing references—creates a coherent pattern that goes beyond party lines.
Communist China played a long game, and certain elements of the American political and media landscape aided in their victory. Meanwhile, the American people continue to bear the consequences.
